REPUBLIC OF KOREA
OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
June 12, 1952
Dear Dr. Oliver:
Yours of June 2 including the draft for the statement was received and read yesterday. The statement is good and I realise that something like that at the present time will be helpful. However, the situation requires something more definite regarding the present political situation, so I will hold this draft for a while until the appropriate time. We may use part of it and I feel strongly it should not be delayed long in using it. They are talking about the statement for me to issue by the end of the four-year term of this administration. I do not know whether I should make such a statement but if you think it will be helpful you may make some rough draft for me to look over. The date is June 23rd.
The so-called political disturbance has been a tremendous nerve-wrecking strain on me for several weeks. The anti-government agitators led by Heungsadang together with the Embassy, UN, the Japanese in Tokyo succeeded in getting their threatening letters from pouring in continuously. The agitation around here is connected with every foreign elements in Korea excepting military circles and even in the latter some individuals of the lower ranks were secretly connected with them. Naturally the stories reported in the press abroad were highly critical. But we at no time think of counteracting these unfavorable reports because the U.S. Embassy and the UN group kept me too busy. Now that this has somewhat quieted down since I told them they have gone too far in aiding and encouraging the anti-government groups by demanding the release of the Assemblymen, the lifting of the martial law and observance of the constitution, and so forth. All these demands have encouraged the enemies of the government in continually stirring up agitation against the government, thus making the situation almost impossible to settle quietly among the Koreans. I was told the conspiracy trial will soon begin. They must not ignore it before they see the result of the trial. It appeared to the Korean people that UN and US have failed in Panmunjom in accomplishing the unification of north and south by peaceful political means and are trying to help the Communists to bribe the Assembly to elect the president who will be more cooperative and agreeable to them so that they would form a coalition government which will negotiate with the north communists for the purpose of unifying north and south by peaceful political means, I said if they force me to reveal these things I will have to do it for my self-defense. I am at present swallowing everything and remain silent because I do not wish to reveal anything that will be hurtful to President Truman and some other friends. I do not wish to reveal what the UN and US representatives have done in cooperation with this group of anti-government faction. I only hope to get the bottom of this conspiracy case at an open trial. Since then they are not demanding me to do this and that. I have answered UN Secretary-General Trygve Lie’s, President Truman’s, the British, French, and Australian notes in general form and since then these agitators seem to be exhausted or cracked down.
Now the trouble is growing on the other side. Thousands of representatives from all provinces, districts, myons are pouring into Pusan demanding the immediate dissolution of the Assembly. The Assemblymen who have been reasonable and some of whom were recalcitrant but not tied up with other groups have come together to form the majority in the Assembly but to make a required 2/3 quorum, we have to get about 20 more and everyone says that will not be difficult now that they cannot do much more damage. If they pass these two amendment bills, 1) for direct election of the president and 2) for the Assembly to be dissolved. I will try to settle this dispute without dissolving the Assembly. All the representatives from the country are gathering in front of my residence by thousands demanding the dissolution of the Assembly. I advised them not to show any violence in speech or action but the enemies of the government may do most any kind of unlawful act which will be blamed on the people. We are trying everything we can to keep them from doing so. Now I feel it is time for me to reveal some of the facts in this connection. I will explain the nature of the conspiracy case and why reports on this case have profoundly disturbed the general public through-out the country at the beginning. I will try to leave out and will not mention how the U.S. representatives and UN members have cooperated with the conspirators. If our friends realizing the situation turn around to cooperate with us in revealing the facts we do not have to discuss anything that will not be favorable to them. But if they still insist in misrepresenting us, we will have to tell some more facts. I dictated a public statement defending the U. S. representatives by saying that we are fighting communism in defense of democracy and if any nation works against the democratic principle, our friendly nations will have the right to step in and protest against it. We would not regard this as foreign interference into our internal affairs. But whatever I did to encourage, protest or cooperate with the anti-government agitators this is clearly an interference which we should not tolerate. Some of these things actually took place but we will not say it openly now.
So far this is an up-to-date statement of facts. A rough sketch of the historical background has gone to Washington by the last pouch and I hope you have a copy of it. You know most of them anyway. I hope our friends can be confidentially reached with some of the facts mentioned in the draft. They will be guided by it in judging the latest developments.
How often I wish you are here to help us. Dr. Douglass, Mr. Vinocour and Mr. Gaddis who came over from Tokyo are all very helpful but still I wish you are here.
Sincerely yours,
